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Saturday, December 28, 2019

Walking In His Shoes

 

Walking In His Shoes

December 28, 2019

Great grandfather George Dodge fought in the Civil War with the Union's Army of the West along the Tennessee River.  When he was about 83 years old, he wrote about his experiences -- mostly about the battle at Shiloh.  Over the years, Pat and I have visited many Civil War battle sites but I could not remember where Shiloh was located,  So, I searched and found that Shiloh was located along the Tennessee River near the southern border of Mississippi.  I figured that we could drive there in only about a day and a half, so why not make Grandpa's experiences more real by actually walking in his footsteps on the battlefield.

It proved to be a very moving experience.  It was fun to find places where Great-grandpa Holmes had been, but the horror of that war came alive from the stories and photos that we found there.  It was depressing, but essential history for me.  Human flesh has little defense against the grape-shot of cannons.

We started our tour at the crossroads of Corinth, Mississippi -- where two major railroads that supplied Confederate forces crossed.  If Union forces could capture this site, they could shut down much of Confederate supplies.  So, it was one of the major targets of the Union forces as they sought to divide the Southern States by taking control of the Mississippi and Tennessee rivers.

Corinth MS Cross train track

At the start of the war in 1862, most of the roads in this part of the world were not in good shape.  They were mostly unpaved and could become very muddy when it rained.  So, the best way for an army to travel was by train or by boats on rivers.

Here is his story:
 
"Thus we continued employing ourselves in perfecting each his company, while our Col. was very busy in perfecting and organizing his regiment, until about the 15th of November. Then orders came to break camp and start for the seat of war. We packed our wagons, each Co. had one with six mules as a Co. team, and what a lot of stuff for a Co. to take into the field. Each man would have taken a trunk, but as it was there was all that could be packed in the wagon up to the top of the hoops. However, as we moved off the regiment of about 1200 men, with all the company teams, the commissary, quartermaster and hospital teams, we made a big show that called the attention of the citizens all the way to Cairo, where we arrived the latter part of November, and went into camp.

Soon after establishing our camp our arms arrived and each company received its quota. Now each man had one horse and equipments, one Sharp's carbine, one Colts navy pistol and one cavalry sabre.

Our camp finally established, each company commander commenced drilling his company. Thus we continued drilling and completing the organization of the regiment until somewhere about the middle of January, when we were ordered to embark on steamboats. To us subalterns 'twas a mystery where we were going. Various opinions were expressed, but no one knew of course. My company was ordered aboard the large steamer “Memphis." Almost the whole regiment was stored away on this boat, and still there was room for more. The boat finally received its load, the lines were cast off and we were on our way down the river. We soon got into the Mississippi river, the boat was headed down stream and now we thought we were on the way to the seat of war truly. Running down stream about ten or twelve miles, the expedition, now numbering in all about ten thousand men, landed.

If we were in the dark as to our destination before we embarked, we were the next day and subsequent days in the dark as to the object of this display of so large a force so near the enemy without so much as showing ourselves to him. Well, here or hereabouts we floundered around through the mud, and, like a famous king, marched up the hill and then marched down again.

My wife had been making me a visit and had been with us in camp some week or more when we left Cairo. Uncertain as to how long we might be gone, she stayed in camp, thinking our trip would last only a dav or two. But when we had been gone five or six days and a prospect of further stay, I jumped on a boat, went up to Cairo, on to camp, bundled my wife up, put her on the cars and bid her good-bye. She headed for home and I headed down the river to my company.

After marching and counter-marching around through Kentucky, once so near Columbus that we could hear them hallooing and wondering what we were there for. We were ordered aboard the boats and steamed back to Cairo. The above expedition was under the command of Brig. Gen. John A. McClumand. During this expedition on our way we were exposed to very bad weather, snow which thawed nearly as fast as it fell made the roads almost impassable. Cold, wet feet and constantly in the saddle finally brought back an old trouble that had afflicted me when in the U. S. Dragoons, and when we got back to Cairo I was hardly able to walk for a day or two, but after a few days I fully recovered. About this time Col. Dickey said to me, “You take a trip up home for a few days, 'twill do you good. I will arrange it with Gen. Grant." Accordingly I called at Gen. Grant's headquarters. The General took me by the hand and said. "Ah, this is Capt. Dodge. Your leave of absence is all prepared. The Adj. Gen. will hand it to you." So I made a short trip up home, only four or five days.
 

On my return 1 found everything lively. Our regiment had started on through Kentucky, leaving about 170 of us under the command of Major Bowman. The next day after I got back the balance of the regiment broke camp, went aboard the boat and steamed up the Ohio River to the Cumberland, thence up to Ft. Donaldson. Here we disembarked and started for the Rebel works. On our way we witnessed the naval battle between our gun boats and the Rebel batteries. This was on Friday, Feb. 13th; on Sunday, the 15th, occurred the surrender of the Rebel force, consisting of about 15.000 prisoners, with everything pertaining to the Rebel army at that place.

Immediately after the surrender our regiment went into camp at Randolph forges, the great Tennessee iron works, where we found large quantities of forage for our teams. We remained here two or three weeks, when orders came to send our sick and disabled, together with all captured horses and other supplied not needed here, by steamboats to Cairo and at the same time hold ourselves in readiness to move for the Tennessee river. Accordingly the next day we saddled up and loaded up and started across the hills to take boats for Pittsburg Landing, where we arrived in due time. It was a grand sight, said to be about eighty or ninety boats following one after another. Each boat had its military commander. It fell to my lot to be assigned to the last one, so 1 could see what was in advance. Arrived at our destination, we were under the immediate command of Gen. Sherman, to whom I was introduced by my immediate senior, Ma j. Bowman, an old acquaintance of Gen. Sherman and an attorney at law who had been attorney for Sherman and Turner, while bankers in San Francisco, Cal. I had a number of interviews with Gen. Sherman and was delighted with his social qualities, and was particularly impressed with what I considered his eminent qualities as a soldier. Subsequently I found nothing in his career as a commander to induce me to alter my opinion of him as a man. a soldier or a loyal citizen.

And now I come to one of the most intense, hotly contested and most destructive engagements in which the two armies engaged during the war. How to describe it is a question; to give an adequate idea would take whole volumes. I can only give my impressions, and they must be crude of course. Our regiment that had started with Gen. Hurlburt's division, the evening before the battle exchanged, the 5th Ohio Cavalry was sent from Sherman’s division to Hurlburt's and our regiment sent to Sherman, so that the morning of the 5th of April found us with General Sherman out at the extreme front and quite near to him. It was Sunday morning, bright, sunny and warm and everything quiet, if you except the crack of a gun now and then, such as is always the case with an army in the field. Not long, however, did this quiet continue, for I had hardly swallowed a cup of coffee and a heavy biscuit when from a hill nearby came Rebel cannon shot. We were saddled up and mounted in less time than it takes to tell it and were ordered to the rear, where we with other regiments of cavalry remained all day. Now at this long time since that eventful day my mind, or my brain seems to be thronged almost to suffocation with the contemplation of that eventful day. I can hardly separate one event from another, what with terrible anxiety, the awful strain on my nerves, together with the fact that we were being forced back towards the river inch by inch, every rod of the way hotly contested, and the fearful roar of musketry interspersed with the roar of cannon. Still as I recall the same it fills my brain almost to bursting. So this the first day passed, and at evening found us forced back fearfully near to our boats, and a sorry looking army it was.

That night I sat on a log with nothing over me but a thin rubber poncho to keep out one of the heaviest falls of rain I ever braved, the water actually ran down in streams. There I sat the long night watching the shells sent into the Rebel ranks by our gun-boat, and you may believe a fervent prayer went up with each one of them. I am told that the fervent prayer of the righteous availeth much. I do not attribute the success of each of those shells to my unrighteous self, but nevertheless those shells kept the Rebels stirred up wonderfully, so they admitted afterwards.

Battle of Shiloh

The next morning, the 7th. dawned like its predecessor, bright and balmy, as though the awful carnage of the day before was all blotted out, as if it had never occurred and that the armies had only stopped long enough to take breath. I had hardly eaten a hard-tack and drank a cup of coffee when Col. Dickey rode up and said. "I come with orders from Gen. Grant that you hike a file of men and go down to the river and drive all stragglers up to his headquarters." I rode down to the river bank, which was bluff and in many places overhung with roots of large trees. I found the bank literally black with soldiers, or blue, for they all wore the blue that their Uncle Sam had furnished them. I found it hard to start them, but finally I drove them all out and up the bluffs, where they were sent, some to their own regiments and some, whose regiments had been utterly annihilated as organizations, were assigned to other regiments."

Tennessee River Bank where Grandpa Dodge rounded up stragglers

By this time Gen. Buell had arrived, the whole army put in motion, and now our side took the offensive. Soon we had the Rebels on the move. They fought hard to hold the ground occupied by us the day before, but we made it too hot for them and they gave way until about the middle of the afternoon, when not over one hundred rods from where I was I saw the last of them disappear in the woods. Thus I have given my meager description of the battle of Shiloh, to me two of the awfulest days of my life. And now comes the gathering together of that terribly mangled and disrupted army. Although we had conquered and driven the enemy from the field, we had done it sustaining fearful loss. That battlefield of five miles long by three or four miles wide was strewn with the dead and dying and was a sickening sight.

Two days after the fight, as I was sitting in my tent just in the toe of the evening, the front of my tent opened and Dr. Gamble stepped in. Oh my, it seemed to me that I had never seen so acceptable a face as his. He was there as a contract surgeon. By him I heard from home and that all were well.

Now commenced that scurrilous attempt to ruin one of the greatest generals of modern times. Halleck came and took Grant's place, virtually laying him on the shelf, and for a time our Western armies were subject to all the pulling and hauling that had made the Eastern army of no account. Our march to Corinth was begun, making three or four miles a day and then throwing up breastworks. This state of things continued up to about the 20th of June, when near Corinth, Miss., my trouble (piles) became so troublesome as to keep me out of the saddle most of the time. I finally sent in my resignation, 'twas accepted and I bid the army goodbye and started for home, where I arrived in due time.

I afterwards had somewhat to do with raising a company which I took to and joined the 14th Cavalry at Peoria. Col. Capron, who had seen somewhat of military life, was raising the regiment. He was, or seemed to be, quite anxious that I should go with him and as he offered me the first Major's berth I took nearly a full company to the regiment and, while attending to my duties in command of the camp and not suspecting treachery, a number of aspirants for places in the regiment went to Springfield and there managed to throw myself overboard and nearly the same with Col. Capron. So I threw up the sponge, disgusted, and came home to stay.

1 am now 82 1/4 years old, yet my memory of those stirring and event-fill days seems as vivid as when they occurred. A thousand incidents occurred during those times, trivial of themselves, many of which might prove of interest to the hearer or reader, but to break into the bundle and attempt to select one from the others would finally find the selected pile too big, so I thought best to take them as they came to my mind and save time and paper.

Table of Contents:  https://www.blogger.com/blog/post/edit/6813612681836200616/3382423676443906063?hl=en

Saturday, December 7, 2019

Adventures of Richmond Oliver Knowles


Adventures of Richmond Oliver Knowles


Grandma Fanny Heacock had lots of Knowles folks in her ancestry, so we are likely related to Richmond.  But, just exactly how, I don't know.  If I ever find out, then this story can be updated to accommodate the  new information.

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Richmond Oliver Knowles, son of William and Sarah (Woodward) Knowles, b. 23 Apr 1825, Athens Co., Ohio; d. 8 Oct 1910, DeLand, Valusia Co., Florida.; m. 23 Dec 1848 Frances Jane Chick b. abt 1833, d 25 Dec 1887, DeLand, Florida.

20 Aug. 1862, Richmond Oliver Knowles enrolled as Private in 116th Ohio Vol. Inf.; served as 1st and 2nd Sargeant and 1st and 2nd Lt., and was Captain at time of discharge 14 June 1865. He was described as 5’10”, light comp., blue eyes, black hair. He was taken prisoner at Winchester, sent to Danville and escaped from prison, Virginia, according to a statement of War Department dated 12 Jan. 1883.

CAPTAIN R. O. KNOWLES

Who was captured at Winchester, June 15, 1863, was confined in various Rebel prisons before he finally found himself at Columbia, South Carolina. After confinement of twenty days there, he and others began to lay plans for escape. How they did it and how they fared afterwards is told by the Captain in a letter from him to Captain A. B. Frame, under date of Deland, Florida, September 10th, 1882. We let the Captain tell the story himself:

“I escaped from Columbia Rebel Prison October 26th, 1864. After being there about twenty days, we began to watch for a chance to escape. We finally approached a guard whom we found willing to aid us in case some greenbacks were forthcoming. We soon arranged with him to let three or four of us pass his post the next time he came on duty which was 26th of October. We had prepared for it by cooking every thing we could find and making maps of the route we would take.

The night arriving, we went to the spot our man was to occupy, about nine o’clock in the evening. There were three other Ohio officers besides myself and two Wisconsin officers in our crowd, all of whom had bribed the same guard. We found our man after some difficulty. I walked up to the guard, and he let me pass. One of the other officers had the greenbacks.  I called to the other officers to come on, when a guard close by fired his gun. I jumped pretty high at this a ran as fast as I could; the other officers started with me. The guards fired six or seven shots at us, and of course alarmed every body. We ran as hard as we could, falling several times over stumps and into holes. Two officers were ahead of me, they thinking I was a Johnny, ran for dear life. After eighteen months of captivity, you might well imagine that we ran well.  We soon got into a swamp, with mud and water up to our knees. Getting out of this after awhile, we took our planned route, as near as we could guess.

After about an hour, we came near a house, where we were seen by some persons who started after us with some dogs. We took the backtrack for about two hundred yards, when we climbed a fence and took across a field, the dogs keeping on our old track and passing where we crossed the fence. We heard their barking all night. Striking a piece of woods, we lay by all the rest of the night and next day.

When night came again, we stared on our journey, keeping our eyes on the North Star. Some time in the night we struck a road, and concluded to follow it, although it was not our direct course. We ran day and night. I think it was our third night and about three o’clock in the morning, that I gave out, and lay down by the roadside, saying I could go no further.  I was sick and weak, and had been so for some days past.  We were out of provisions, hungry and exhausted, and something had to be done, so we dragged ourselves into the edge of a woods, and watched for a colored man to pass. During the day we hailed one who, after seeing our condition and learning who we were, left us to return at dark in company with his wife, with a good supply of victuals. They put us on the right road and gave us directions for several days travel, telling us, at the same time, that whenever we got out of provisions, to let the “cullud people know it.”

After this if we missed our way or got out of provisions we applied to the Negroes, who never failed to help us or to be true to us. We had many narrow escapes from capture, often meeting parties on the roads, but fortunately were never molested. After traveling together nearly across North Carolina, our party separated, I going in a squad by myself.  The next night I went to a house and telling the man who I was, he gave me half a loaf of corn bread and started me on the right way over the mountains.

That night I waded a wide, cold river. I was two nights crossing the mountains into Tennessee. I called at a house about two o’clock in the morning of the second day, and asked an old lady the way. She told me, but had to tell me too, what a pity it was to send so many souls to Hell in this war.  She was firmly of the conviction that there was where all engaged in it were going.  After getting into East Tennessee, I traveled in the day time, and after twenty-one days, or rather nights, I reached Knoxville, and was within the Union lines once more, thank God! I tell you I was never happier in my life! I went to a paymaster there, who paid me two months’ pay, and in a few days I was at home sweet home in Coolville.”

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Many thanks to Karen Donsbach for sending a copy of this story.

Friday, December 6, 2019

George Dodge 1814-1905


 

George Dodge

Sister Ruth brought a copy of a small book titled "Fiftieth Anniversay of the Settlement of Hon. Geo. E. Holmes in Illinois" to a small reunion at brother John's home in Port Mansfield. She was kind enough to loan it to me, so I scanned it with ABBYY Fine Reader, Pat and I then read and corrected (hopefully) word for word, and I'm now posting it for your reading pleasure. George Dodge (who wrote one of the stories in this book) is my 2rd Great Grandfather on Grandma Fanny Heacock's side of the family. If some of us suffer from the wanderlust affliction, we may be able to (in part) attribute it to George Dodge. Read this story carefully and you will understand why.

(Be careful not to confuse George Holmes with George Dodge -- as I have.)

I have read many Civil War stories, but never one written by one of my ancestors. Consequently, I found it of considerable interest. Hope you do to.

You. can expand the font size by pressing "command" and "plus" on an Apple computer.

Enjoy!

(Winfield Sterling)

----------------------------------------------------

Written by George Dodge

Capt. Co. M.. 4th Ill. Cavalry Volunteers, War of the Rebellion
b. Oct. 13, 1814 d. Apr 26, 1905

"Get your map of the United States, look along Long Island Sound east; look sharp, and you will find somewhere near the eastern end of Sound the mouth of the Connecticut river. Run your eye on up the river and you will soon come to the southern line of the State of Vermont; continue on up the river until you have nearly reached the line that divides the Dominion of Canada from the United States; look sharp and you will see in the extreme northern limit of the state the county of Essex and in about the center of the county the town of Guildhall, it is the shire or capital town of the county. Have you found it? Yes? Well, here in this little Yankee town, so says the record in the old Bible, I first saw the light of day. I have never heard that any great convulsion in the heavenly bodies or in the earth beneath occurred that would mark so an eventful occasion as this. The only remarkable thing that did occur was that that brilliant statesman who said in Congress, or somewhere else, that Vermont was a good state to emigrate from. I mean of course the Hon. Stephen A. Douglas. A wonderful coincidence, wasn't it? Here I spent twenty-one or twenty-two years of my boyhood days.

It was there on the banks of the old Connecticut river in the little town of Guildhall that 1 attended school. Well do I remember those schools and the fiery trials I endured, about the first of which was when not over five years old in the old Court House on the hill, seated on a bench made of a spruce slab with pins driven into augur holes for legs, my little cowhide boots reaching about half way down to the floor, I watched the proceedings of the old school-master. I stood in absolute awe of that man. Well, time went along and so did I attending school three months in the winter and three months in the summer, and my most earnest aim the most of the time seemed to be to get through with my lessons and get out. Thus my boyhood days were passed until at the age of twenty-one or twenty-two the crust seemed to break and I looked out on the world, becoming conscious that there was something more of it than Essex county. Vermont, or Coos county. N. H., and so one spring day in 1837 I broke away from the old moorings, from all old associations, left everything behind and started out into an unknown world without compass or chart.

I got into the stage one spring morning, after bidding father and mother good-bye, and came by Montpelier, Vermont, then down to Albany, N.Y. Here I took a steamboat to New York City. Going on board the boat I found myself in a crowd that absolutely filled every space, yes, every standing space. I supposed 'twas alright and had no idea but that this was to be so all the wav to New York. A great mountain of baggage lay on deck, some passengers walking or wedging their way about, some sitting on the baggage. I was walking around and saw some going down stairs, so I went down and there was a great long room at one end of which was a bar signed "Refreshments," and in front of it gents talking. I had not been down there many minutes when something seemed to strike the body of the boat that made everything shake. At once they began to go up so I followed, of course. On deck I was startled on finding a very large and magnificent steamer lashed along-side our own and all the passengers were being hurried aboard the big boat. Standing wonder-stricken at this excitement some one of the crew probably saw I was a green one and caught me by the arm, telling me to hurry aboard. So I hurried aboard. When the transfer of passengers and baggage was finally completed the two boats separated. Then I saw the reason for the hurry. Only a few rods from us was another large boat and the two were racing.

Well, I had all I could attend to between then and dark in looking the boat over, which you may be sure I did, inquisitive Yankee boy that I was, I was bound to see all there was to be seen. As night approached I went to the captain's office, paid my fare and got the number and location of my sleeping berth. On looking it up I found it was one of the amidship berths and quite near the engine room. When 1 retired I soon fell asleep and slept sound till morning. I got up early and put my hand down where I left my pants the night before; my pants were gone, my boots and stockings were gone, mv coat and vest were gone, all were gone except my shirt, that was still on me. Truly a most pathetic fix for a green boy who had never been one hundred miles from home. As I sat on the edge of my hammock trying to come to some conclusions as to my future course, looking around and taking my bearings, as the sailor would say. I found that I was not on the side of the boat that I went to hammock in the night before. I went across the boat to the opposite side, when lo, my clothes were all there except my boots. Oh. didn't I feel good. I afterwards found my boots by paying twenty-five cents to the boot-black.

It was now quite early and none of the other passengers were up, so I found the wash room, had my morning wash and was out on deck bright and early. You may be sure I took in every mile of the grand scenery down to New York City, arriving there before the extinction of the street lamps. I found an old Vermont acquaintance, Asa Hinckley bv name, head clerk of the old Globe Hotel, 51 Broadway. Here I stayed a few days, just long enough to look the citv over, when my purse admonished me that it could not supply means to live in a first-class hotel in New York any longer. So I struck out into the country to get something to do for a living.

Crossing the Hudson river to New Jersey, after a couple of days walking I drifted round to the little village of Fort Lee, where I finally enquired to teach their school. This I had no trouble in effecting when they found that I was a Vermonter, for they believed that everybody in Vermont was an educated person. I stayed here about a year and finally contracted the sea fever. This fever kept hold of me until it finally carried me off. I went two whaling voyages, the first cruising in the south Atlantic down near Cape Horn, the second round the Cape of Good Hope, away down southeast near New South Wales and most of the time in sight of icebergs—until our ship took fire, when, in order to keep from burning up, we were obliged to destroy our try-works, which of course broke up the cruise and we squared away and started for home. Arriving home (for we called any place in the United States home) and getting on my land legs again, I went once more to New York City, when, after a week or two of inactivity, the sea fever once more attacked me. This time not as a whaleman, but rather a desire to take a cruise through the Mediterranean. Finding no craft that suited me, I finally answered a call for recruits for U. S. Cavalry service. I hunted up the recruiting officer and at once enlisted in the service of my Uncle for the term of five years. In a few days I with a number of recruits went from Governor's Island to Carlysle Barracks, Pa., and in that school of instruction I remained until the middle of November, 1841, when 140 of us were sent to Fort Leavenworth, Mo., here to be assigned to different companies of the 1st U. S. Dragoons. Arrived at this post, an opportunity was offered to twelve of us to go to Fort Gibson, Ark. I volunteered and twelve of us walked three hundred miles to that point and were assigned to two companies. I remained until February, 1842 when company G. was ordered to Fort Leavenworth, when I obtained an exchange and came back there, where we stayed a couple of months, when we were ordered to Council Bluffs with the Pottawatomie Indians. We remained there eighteen months, when we were ordered back to Fort Leavenworth, where the Co. remained up to the Mexican war.

Sometime during the latter part of 1845 I began to think of home and my relation, not one soul of whom 1 had seen or heard of for eight or nine years. I knew that my Uncle Belcher had some years
before come out to Illinois and stopped at Stephenson, now Rock Island, so I wrote to him and in due time received his answer informing me that my sisters Harriet und Susan were in Port Byron, that Harriet was married to my old friend G. S. Moore, that everything was lovely and begging me to quit wandering around the world and come there as soon as my term of enlistment expired. This and subsequent letters decided me and I determined to go to Port Byron, which I did, arriving there the latter part of August, 1846. And oh, what a joyful meeting that was only one who has been wandering almost aimlessly over the world for eight or nine years can tell.

That fall I went to Elizabeth and engaged in prospecting for lead. Was there that winter and in the spring came back to Port Byron and engaged with Moore and Holmes clerking. Here for two or three years I alternately sold sugar, coffee, molasses, calico, hoots and shoes, tended post office, weighed and handled grain, and, best of all, did my prettiest in waiting on the young ladies to
parties and balls—over the river, up to Albany, down to Rock Island, etc. This business finally fixed me the comforts of home, such I found at sister Harriet's, which together with the new life I was living amongst newfound acquaintances decided me to remain.

In 1848 the California fever struck the town of LeClaire, Iowa, and Port Byron, Ill. A number of citizens of both places to the number of fifteen or twenty combined and formed a mining company, chose their officers, got their teams ready and made the necessary arrangements to cross the western prairies to California. Subsequently, and before the day fixed to start, our company members one after another dropped out for one reason or another, until only two of the company were left. These were Jack Allen, of Le Claire, and myself. So, Jack and I after settling matters here got on a boat and went to St. Louis.

Port Byron

 The great trouble with most of the members who backed out was, the news we got, that the whole world was on the way to California and that there would not be grass enough to keep the teams alive. Jack and I arrived in St. Louis and found the great wide levee lined with steamboats and the town literally packed with emigrants all bound for the gold region. This sight cooked Jack and he backed out, leaving me the only member of the company and I its captain, so I came back home. Disappointed and disgusted with the utter failure of our company that had been so ready to brave the hardships of a trip across the plains, I finally took passage on a boat and in due time landed once more at Port Byron.

It was about this time, or about the year 1848. that T. C. Temple and Jacob Dickerson, having sold their farms to Geo. S. Moore, went to St. Louis and bought a small stock of general merchandise. The goods were landed here in Port Byron and as neither of the gents had any acquaintance with the goods business they engaged myself to open, mark and sell. I remained in their employ some months when the news came from Peoria to my sister that her husband, Robt. Moore, who was a steamboat pilot running between Peoria and St. Louis, had died of cholera at a little landing on the Illinois river. His wife (my sister Susan) was here with her little child. The weather being very warm and the child not very well, the doctor objected to her going to Peoria, so I went to Peoria and attended to all the details of his burial. I gathered up the household effects, put them on a boat to St. Louis, re-shipped by boat to Port Byron. My sister's home being now broken up at Peoria and being out of business myself, we, that is Susan and I, concluded to rent the old Port Byron House, put her furniture in, pick up what was needed beside hers, and trv our hand at keeping tavern.

Up to the time of my embarking in the hotel business I had been comparatively foot loose, ready at any time to pull up stakes and start again on a tramp, except, I must confess, a certain attraction I had found in Port Byron. Thus, my interest in my new vocation added to the attraction aforesaid as time went on more and more decided me to stay. About this time Eastern people were traveling through the West and we had a good run of custom by stage and otherwise and were in a flourishing condition. All this time the attraction was becoming more and more attractive, until on the 17th day of January, 1850, Ellen Holmes and George Dodge were married.

Our business was flourishing and we were making money. All through the winter of 1850 we had all the house could accommodate, spring came and still our trade continued on up to the 17th dav of June. I was suddenly thrown into the dark with sore eyes, and there I was shut up in a room made as dark as could be, while I could hear my wife and sister hurrying hither and thither through the house, attending customers. I felt like a caged lion, feeling perfectly well, having all my faculties about me, and yet I could not stir out of the darkened room. It was absolutely distracting. And now commenced a long and painful battle with that terrible disease of the eyes, conjunctivitis. For three long years my dear wife and I struggled along. Eight months of the time I spent in St. Louis, undergoing treatment; sometimes with hopes of relief, and again despairing of ever regaining my eyesight, which had nearly left. During these three years we had two children born, Clara on Dec. 8. 1850, and Mary on June 6, 1852.

Finally after suffering untold pain for three years, a Dr. Goyer, a wholly ignorant, unlettered, itinerant quack, came to me at the instance of one Sol. Penny, of Green River, and after catechising him nearly a whole day I let him try his skill on me. This was sometime in April when he commenced, and under his treatment my eyes improved right along till about the first of July, when they were quite cleared and the doctor pronounced them well.

During the aforesaid three years and while I was in the dark my friends interceded for me and obtained a soldier's land warrant for 160 acres of land. This, when obtained, they located on the farm now owned by Mr. Golden. By this time my eyes had so far recovered as to enable me to enter upon some business again. Striking up a bargain with my Uncle Belcher, who by the way had been one of my best friends during my trouble, I let him have the land and he assured my indebtedness of about $900 for my first stock of goods purchased in Chicago. Thus once more I was embarked in business. I kept on in a small way until December, 1852, when T. C. Temple, returning from California, pooled his assets with mine, and now behold me in a fair way to make a living for myself and family. Temple and I did business together until the year 1857, when I bought him out. I finally ran the stock down quite low and sold out to Brown and Devon. It was in July of this year that a daughter (Ella) was born. She died the 19th of February. 1859.

Our next venture was in the old Port Byron House. Here we were at the breaking out of the Rebellion. After the election of Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency of the United States, the seceding of one Southern state after another, the firing on Fort Sumter, the actual necessity that a legally elected president should have to go to Washington with an escort a little less than an armed guard, that he should have to go to the office the people had legally chosen him to kill in disguise was enough to fire the Northern heart to its depths. Excitement ran high, every little neighborhood had its recruiting station, companies and regiments were enrolling and offering themselves to the Government for service. Our little town of Port Byron was no exception to what had got to be a general rule. The fever took hold of me in virulent force and, having served in the U. S. Dragoons, I of course chose the cavalry as the arm of service to join. Accordingly, I opened recruiting rooms in the old Port Byron House, and in the course of eight or ten days had the names of from eighty to one hundred men from this county mostly, though 1 had some from Henry and some from Mercer counties. I then went to Ottawa, Ill., saw T. Lyle Dickey who was getting up a regiment for the cavalry service. He at once accepted my company and on one of the latter days of August I went aboard the cars here with ninety men, with whom I was proud to associate as comrades bound to assist in quelling the rebellion. Arriving at our camp at Ottawa, the first duty in order was to elect a captain. At the close of our second day in camp the company proclaimed me their Captain without a dissenting voice, and during the next two or three days Samuel Allshouse and Edward Daily were chosen first and second Lieutenants, after which I appointed our non- commissioned officers. We soon received our camp equipments and horses and at once commenced regular cavalry drill, both on foot and mounted. My men took to their several duties with alacrity and enthusiasm and soon it was the crack company of the regiment.

Thus we continued employing ourselves in perfecting each his company, while our Col. was very busy in perfecting and organizing his regiment, until about the 15th of November. Then orders came to break camp and start for the seat of war. We packed our wagons, each Co. had one with six mules as a Co. team, and what a lot of stuff for a Co. to take into the field. Each man would have taken a trunk, but as it was there was all that could be packed in the wagon up to the top of the hoops. However, as we moved off the regiment of about 1200 men, with all the company teams, the commissary, quartermaster and hospital teams, we made a big show that called the attention of the citizens all the way to Cairo, where we arrived the latter part of November, and went into camp.
 

Soon after establishing our camp our arms arrived and each company received its quota. Now each man had one horse and equipments, one Sharp's carbine, one Colts navy pistol and one cavalry sabre.

Our camp finally established, each company commander commenced drilling his company. Thus we continued drilling and completing the organization of the regiment until somewhere about the middle of January, when we were ordered to embark on steamboats. To us subalterns 'twas a mystery where we were going. Various opinions were expressed, but no one knew of course. My company was ordered aboard the large steamer “Memphis." Almost the whole regiment was stored away on this boat, and still there was room for more. The boat finally received its load, the lines were cast off and we were on our way down the river. We soon got into the Mississippi river, the boat was headed down stream and now we thought we were on the way to the seat of war truly. Running down stream about ten or twelve miles, the expedition, now numbering in all about ten thousand men, landed.
If we were in the dark as to our destination before we embarked, we were the next day and subsequent days in the dark as to the object of this display of so large a force so near the enemy without so much as showing ourselves to him. Well, here or hereabouts we floundered around through the mud, and, like a famous king, marched up the hill and then marched down again.

My wife had been making me a visit and had been with us in camp some week or more when we left Cairo. Uncertain as to how long we might be gone, she stayed in camp, thinking our trip would last only a dav or two. But when we had been gone five or six days and a prospect of further stay, I jumped on a boat, went up to Cairo, on to camp, bundled my wife up, put her on the cars and bid her good-bye. She headed for home and I headed down the river to my company.

After marching and counter-marching around through Kentucky, once so near Columbus that we could hear them hallooing and wondering what we were there for. We were ordered aboard the boats and steamed back to Cairo. The above expedition was under the command of Brig. Gen. John A. McClumand. During this expedition on our way we were exposed to very bad weather, snow which thawed nearly as fast as it fell made the roads almost impassable. Cold, wet feet and constantly in the saddle finally brought back an old trouble that had afflicted me when in the U. S. Dragoons, and when we got back to Cairo I was hardly able to walk for a day or two, but after a few days I fully recovered. About this time Col. Dickey said to me, “You take a trip up home for a few days, 'twill do you good. I will arrange it with Gen. Grant." Accordingly I called at Gen. Grant's headquarters. The General took me by the hand and said. "Ah, this is Capt. Dodge. Your leave of absence is all prepared. The Adj. Gen. will hand it to you." So I made a short trip up home, only four or five days.
On my return 1 found everything lively. Our regiment had started on through Kentucky, leaving about 170 of us under the command of Major Bowman. The next day after I got back the balance of the regiment broke camp, went aboard the boat and steamed up the Ohio River to the Cumberland, thence up to Ft. Donaldson. Here we disembarked and started for the Rebel works. On our way we witnessed the naval battle between our gun boats and the Rebel batteries. This was on Friday, Feb. 13th; on Sunday, the 15th, occurred the surrender of the Rebel force, consisting of about 15.000 prisoners, with everything pertaining to the Rebel army at that place.

Immediately after the surrender our regiment went into camp at Randolph forges, the great Tennessee iron works, where we found large quantities of forage for our teams. We remained here two or three weeks, when orders came to send our sick and disabled, together with all captured horses and other supplied not needed here, by steamboats to Cairo and at the same time hold ourselves in readiness to move for the Tennessee river. Accordingly the next day we saddled up and loaded up and started across the hills to take boats for Pittsburg Landing, where we arrived in due time. It was a grand sight, said to be about eighty or ninety boats following one after another. Each boat had its military commander. It fell to my lot to be assigned to the last one, so 1 could see what was in advance. Arrived at our destination, we were under the immediate command of Gen. Sherman, to whom I was introduced by my immediate senior, Ma j. Bowman, an old acquaintance of Gen. Sherman and an attorney at law who had been attorney for Sherman and Turner, while bankers in San Francisco, Cal. I had a number of interviews with Gen. Sherman and was delighted with his social qualities, and was particularly impressed with what I considered his eminent qualities as a soldier. Subsequently I found nothing in his career as a commander to induce me to alter my opinion of him as a man. a soldier or a loyal citizen.

And now I come to one of the most intense, hotly contested and most destructive engagements in which the two armies engaged during the war. How to describe it is a question; to give an adequate idea would take whole volumes. I can only give my impressions, and they must be crude of course. Our regiment that had started with Gen. Hurlburt's division, the evening before the battle exchanged, the 5th Ohio Cavalry was sent from Sherman’s division to Hurlburt's and our regiment sent to Sherman, so that the morning of the 5th of April found us with General Sherman out at the extreme front and quite near to him. It was Sunday morning, bright, sunny and warm and everything quiet, if you except the crack of a gun now and then, such as is always the case with an army in the field. Not long, however, did this quiet continue, for I had hardly swallowed a cup of coffee and a heavy biscuit when from a hill nearby came Rebel cannon shot. We were saddled up and mounted in less time than it takes to tell it and were ordered to the rear, where we with other regiments of cavalry remained all day. Now at this long time since that eventful day my mind, or my brain seems to be thronged almost to suffocation with the contemplation of that eventful day. I can hardly separate one event from another, what with terrible anxiety, the awful strain on my nerves, together with the fact that we were being forced back towards the river inch by inch, every rod of the way hotly contested, and the fearful roar of musketry interspersed with the roar of cannon. Still as I recall the same it fills my brain almost to bursting. So this the first day passed, and at evening found us forced back fearfully near to our boats, and a sorry looking army it was.

That night I sat on a log with nothing over me but a thin rubber poncho to keep out one of the heaviest falls of rain I ever braved, the water actually ran down in streams. There I sat the long night watching the shells sent into the Rebel ranks by our gun-boat, and you may believe a fervent prayer went up with each one of them. I am told that the fervent prayer of the righteous availeth much. I do not attribute the success of each of those shells to my unrighteous self, but nevertheless those shells kept the Rebels stirred up wonderfully, so they admitted afterwards.

Battle of Shiloh

 

Grandpa Dodge: "The next morning, the 7th. dawned like its predecessor, bright and balmy, as though the awful carnage of the day before was all blotted out, as if it had never occurred and that the armies had only stopped long enough to take breath. I had hardly eaten a hard-tack and drank a cup of coffee when Col. Dickey rode up and said. "I come with orders from Gen. Grant that you hike a file of men and go down to the river and drive all stragglers up to his headquarters." I rode down to the river bank, which was bluff and in many places overhung with roots of large trees. I found the bank literally black with soldiers, or blue, for they all wore the blue that their Uncle Sam had furnished them. I found it hard to start them, but finally I drove them all out and up the bluffs, where they were sent, some to their own regiments and some, whose regiments had been utterly annihilated as organizations, were assigned to other regiments."

Tennessee River Bank where Grandpa Dodge rounded up stragglers
 By this time Gen. Buell had arrived, the whole army put in motion, and now our side took the offensive. Soon we had the Rebels on the move. They fought hard to hold the ground occupied by us the day before, but we made it too hot for them and they gave way until about the middle of the afternoon, when not over one hundred rods from where I was I saw the last of them disappear in the woods. Thus I have given my meager description of the battle of Shiloh, to me two of the awfulest days of my life. And now comes the gathering together of that terribly mangled and disrupted army. Although we had conquered and driven the enemy from the field, we had done it sustaining fearful loss. That battlefield of five miles long by three or four miles wide was strewn with the dead and dying and was a sickening sight.

Two days after the fight, as I was sitting in my tent just in the toe of the evening, the front of my tent opened and Dr. Gamble stepped in. Oh my, it seemed to me that I had never seen so acceptable a face as his. He was there as a contract surgeon. By him I heard from home and that all were well.
Now commenced that scurrilous attempt to ruin one of the greatest generals of modern times. Halleck came and took Grant's place, virtually laying him on the shelf, and for a time our Western armies were subject to all the pulling and hauling that had made the Eastern army of no account. Our march to Corinth was begun, making three or four miles a day and then throwing up breastworks. This state of things continued up to about the 20th of June, when near Corinth, Miss., my trouble (piles) became so troublesome as to keep me out of the saddle most of the time. I finally sent in my resignation, 'twas accepted and I bid the army goodbye and started for home, where I arrived in due time.

I afterwards had somewhat to do with raising a company which I took to and joined the 14th Cavalry at Peoria. Col. Capron, who had seen somewhat of military life, was raising the regiment. He was, or seemed to be, quite anxious that I should go with him and as he offered me the first Major's berth I took nearly a full company to the regiment and, while attending to my duties in command of the camp and not suspecting treachery, a number of aspirants for places in the regiment went to Springfield and there managed to throw myself overboard and nearly the same with Col. Capron. So I threw up the sponge, disgusted, and came home to stay.

1 am now 82 1/4 years old, yet my memory of those stirring and event-fill days seems as vivid as when they occurred. A thousand incidents occurred during those times, trivial of themselves, many of which might prove of interest to the hearer or reader, but to break into the bundle and attempt to select one from the others would finally find the selected pile too big, so I thought best to take them as they came to my mind and save time and paper.

GEORGE DODGE



Thanks to Karen Donsbach for this synopsis of his life. 

Table of Contents:  https://www.blogger.com/blog/post/edit/6813612681836200616/3382423676443906063?hl=en

Wednesday, November 20, 2019

Bourgeoisophobes

Among the Bourgeoisophobes, Part 2
by David Brooks 


04/06/2002 12:03:00 AM


THE BRUTALIST bourgeoisophobia of the Islamic extremists is pretty straightforward. The attitudes of European etherealists are quite a bit more complicated. Europeans, of course, are bourgeois themselves, even more so in some ways than Americans and Israelis. What they distrust about America and Israel is that these countries represent a particularly aggressive and, to them, unbalanced strain of bourgeois ambition. No European would ever acknowledge the category, but America and Israel are heroic bourgeois nations. The Israelis are driven by passionate Zionism to build their homeland and make it rich and powerful. Americans are driven by our Puritan sense of calling, the deeply held belief that we Americans have a special mission to spread our way of life around the globe. It is precisely this heroic element of ordinary life that Europeans lack and distrust.

So the Europeans are all ambivalence. The British historian J.H. Plumb once declared that he loved America (and he was indeed a great defender of the United States), but even his admiration for the country "was entangled with anger, anxiety and at times flashes of hate." In his infuriatingly condescending and ultimately appreciative portrait "America," the French modernist Jean Baudrillard wrote, "America is powerful and original; America is violent and abominable. We should not seek to deny either of these aspects, nor reconcile them."

But Europeans do seek to deny them--because they simply can't remember what it's like to be imperially confident, to feel the forces of history blowing at one's back, to have heroic and even eschatological aspirations. Their passions have been quieted. Their intellectual guides have taught them that business is ignoble and striving is vulgar. Their history has caused them to renounce military valor (good thing, too) and to regard their own relative decline as a sign of greater maturity and wisdom. The European Union has a larger population than the United States, and a larger GDP--and its political class has tried to construct an institutional architecture that will enable it to rival America. But the imperial confidence is gone, along with the youthful sense of limitless possibility and the unselfconscious embrace of ordinary striving.

So their internal engine is calibrated differently. They look with disdain upon our work ethic (the average American works 350 hours a year--nearly nine weeks--longer than the average European). They look with disdain upon what they see as our lack of social services, our relatively small welfare state, which rewards mobility and effort but less gracefully cushions misfortune. They look with distaste upon our commercial culture, which favors the consumer but does not ease the rigors of competition for producers. And they look with fear upon our popular culture, which like some relentless machine seems designed to crush the local cultures that stand in its way.

To European bourgeoisophobes, America is the radioactive core of what Ignacio Ramonet, editor and publisher of Le Monde Diplomatique, recently called "The Other Axis of Evil" in a front-page essay. It controls the IMF and the World Bank, the institutions that reward the rich and punish the poor, Ramonet claimed. American institutions such as the Heritage Foundation, the American Enterprise Institute, and the Cato Institute promulgate the ideology that justifies exploitation, he continued. The American military provides the muscle to force-feed economic liberalism to the world.

They look at us uncomprehendingly when our leaders declare a global assault on terror and evil. They see us as a mindless Rambo, a Mike Tyson with rippling muscles and no brain. Where the Islamists see us as a decadent slut, the European etherealists see us as a gun-slinging cowboy. The Islamists think we are too spoiled and comfortable, the Europeans think we are too violent and impulsive. Each side's view of us is a mix of Hollywood images (Marilyn Monroe for the Islamists, John Wayne for the Europeans), mass-media distortions, envy-driven stereotypes, and self-justifying delusions. But each side's vision springs from a deeper bourgeoisophobia--the prejudice that people who succeed in worldly affairs must be morally and intellectually backward. This article of faith governs the way even many sophisticated Europeans and Muslims react to us.



AFTER SEPTEMBER 11, there was a widespread fear in Europe and in certain American circles that the United States would lash out violently and pointlessly. In fact, the United States has never behaved this way. It was slow to respond to Pearl Harbor; it was too timid in its responses to the USS Cole and other attacks. But to many Europeans, who must believe in our mindless immaturity in order to look themselves in the mirror each morning, it was obvious that the United States would shoot first and think afterwards.

These Europeans have assigned themselves the self-flattering role of being Athens to our Rome. That's what all the talk about coalition-building is about; the mindless American car dealer with the big guns should allow himself to be guided by the thoughtful European statesman, who is better able to think through the unintended consequences of any action, and to understand the darker complexities. Much European commentary about America since September 11 has had a zoological tone. The American beast did not know that he was vulnerable to attack (we Europeans have long understood this). The American was traumatized by this discovery. The American was overcompensating with an arms build-up that was pointless since, with his gigantisme militaire, he already had more weapons than he could ever need.

Furthermore, the American doesn't see the deeper causes of terrorism, the poverty, the hopelessness. America should really be spending more money on foreign aid (it's interesting that Europeans, who are supposed to be less materialistic than we are, inevitably think more money can solve the world's problems, while Americans tend to point to religion or ideas).

"What America never takes a moment to consider is that, despite its mightiness, it is a young country with much to learn. It had no real direct experience of the First and Second World Wars," declared a writer in the New Statesman, echoing a sentiment that one heard across the Continent as well. America, many Europeans feel, has no experience with the Red Brigades, the IRA, the Basque terrorists. Americans have no experience with Afghanistan. The dim boobies have no idea what sort of instability they are about to cause. They will go marching off as they always do, naively confident of themselves, yet inevitably unaware of the harm they shall do. Much of the reaction, in short, has been straight out of Graham Greene's novel "The Quiet American." The hero of that book, Alden Pyle, is a well- intentioned, naive, earnest manchild who dreams of spreading democracy but only stirs up chaos. "I never knew a man who had better motives for all the trouble he caused," one of the characters says about him. Much of the European intellectual response to the American war has less to do with actual evidence than with figures from literature and the mass media. Sometimes you get the impression that the only people who took the images of Rambo, the Lone Ranger, and Superman seriously were the European bourgeoisophobes who needed cliches to hate.

When the etherealized bourgeoisophobe goes to practice politics, he instinctively dons the pinstripes of the diplomat. Diplomacy fits his temperament. It demands subtlety instead of clarity, self-control instead of power, patience instead of energy, nuance instead of restlessness. Diplomacy is highly formal, highly elitist, highly civilized. Most of all, it is complex. Complexity is catnip to the etherealized bourgeoisophobe. It paralyzes brute action, and justifies subtle and basically immobile gestures, calibrations, and modalities. Bourgeoisophobes have a simple-minded faith that whatever the problem is, the solution requires complexity. Any decisive effort to change the status quo--to topple Saddam, to give up on Arafat, to foment democracy in the Arab world--will only make things worse.

We Americans have our own bourgeoisophobes, of course. If I pulled from my shelves all the books about the moral backwardness of the enterprising middle classes, I could stack them to the ceiling. I could start with the works of the Transcendentalists, then move through Dreiser, Mencken, Sherwood Anderson, and Sinclair Lewis. Then we could skim swiftly through all the books that bemoan the moral, cultural, and intellectual vapidity of suburbanites, students, middle managers, and middle Americans: "Babbitt," "The Man in the Gray Flannel Suit," "The Souls of Black Folk," "The Lonely Crowd," "The Organization Man," "The Catcher in the Rye," "The Cultural Contradictions of Capitalism," "The Affluent Society," "Death of a Salesman," "Soul on Ice," "The Culture of Narcissism," "Habits of the Heart," "The Closing of the American Mind," "Earth in the Balance," "Slouching Towards Gomorrah," "Jihad vs. McWorld," just about every word ever written by Kevin Phillips and Michael Moore, and just about every novel of the last quarter century, from "Rabbit is Rich" through "The Corrections." It's a Mississippi flood of pessimism. As Catherine Jurca recently wrote in "White Diaspora: The Suburb and the Twentieth-Century American Novel," "As a body of work, the suburban novel asserts that one unhappy family is a lot like the next, and there is no such thing as a happy family."

The pessimism falls into several categories. There is straightforward, left-wing bourgeoisophobia from writers who think commercial culture has ravaged our souls. Then there is the right-wing variant that says it has made us spiritually flat, and so turned us into comfort-loving Last Men. Then there is the conservative pessimism that purports to be a defense of the heroic bourgeois culture America embodies while actually showing little faith in it. Writers of this school argue that the solid capitalist values America once possessed have been corrupted by intellectual currents coming out of the universities--as if the meritocratic capitalist virtues were such delicate flowers that they could be dissolved by the acid influence of Paul de Man.

It all adds up to a lot of dark foreboding, and after September 11, it doesn't look that impressive. The events of the past several months have cast doubt on a century of mostly bourgeoisophobe cultural pessimism. Somehow the firemen in New York and the passengers on Flight 93 behaved like heroes even though they no doubt lived in bourgeois homes, liked Oprah, shopped at Wal-Mart, watched MTV, enjoyed their Barcaloungers, and occasionally glanced through Playboy. Even more than that, it has become abundantly clear since September 11 that America has ascended to unprecedented economic and military heights, and it really is not easy to explain how a country so corrupt to the core can remain for so long so apparently successful on the surface. If we're so rotten, how can we be so great?

It could be, as the bourgeoisophobes say, that America thrives because it is spiritually stunted. It's hard to know, since most of us lack the soul-o-meter by which the cultural pessimists apparently measure the depth of other people's souls. But we do know that despite the alleged savagery, decadence, and materialism of American life, Americans still continue to react to events in ways that suggest there is more to this country than "Survivor," Self magazine, and T.G.I. Friday's.

Confronted with the events of September 11, Americans have not sought to retreat as soon as possible to the easy comfort of their great-rooms (on the contrary, it's been others around the world who have sought to close the parenthesis on these events). President Bush, a man derided as a typical philistine cowboy, has framed the challenge in the most ambitious possible terms: as a moral confrontation with an Axis of Evil. He has chosen the most arduous course. And the American people have supported him, embraced his vision every step of the way--even the people who fiercely opposed his election.

This is not the predictable reaction of a decadent, commercial people. This is not the reaction you would have predicted if you had based your knowledge of America on the extensive literature of cultural decline. Nor would you have been able to predict the American reaction to recent events in the Middle East, which also differs markedly from the European one. Just as the French anti-globalist activist Jose Bove, heretofore most famous for smashing up a McDonald's, senses that he has something in common with Yasser Arafat (whom he visited in Ramallah on March 31), most Americans sense that they have something in common with Israel in this fight. Most Americans can see the difference between nihilistic terrorism and a democracy trying fitfully to defend itself. And most Americans seem willing to defend the principles that are at stake here, even in the face of global criticism and obloquy. In this, as in so much else, George Bush reflects the meritocratic capitalist culture of which he is a product. While the rest of the world was lost in a moral fog, going on about the "cycle of violence" as if bombs set themselves off and the language of human agency and moral judgment didn't apply, the Bush administration, by and large, has been clear.

IN THIS and many other aspects of the war on terrorism, the American leaders and the American people have been stubborn and steadfast. Just as the American people patiently persevered through a century of fighting fascism and communism, there is every sign they will patiently persevere in the conflict against terrorism, which is really a struggle against people who despise our way of life.

Maybe the bourgeoisophobes were wrong from the first. Maybe they were wrong to think that 90 percent of humanity is mad to seek money. Maybe they were wrong to think that wealth inevitably corrupts. Maybe they were wrong to regard themselves as the spiritual superiors of middle-class bankers, lawyers, and traders. Maybe they were wrong to think that America is predominantly about gain and the bitch-goddess success. Maybe they were wrong to think that power and wealth are a sign of spiritual stuntedness. Maybe they were wrong to treasure the ecstatic gestures of rebellion, martyrdom, and liberation over the deeper satisfactions of ordinary life.

And if they weren't wrong, how does one explain the fact that almost all their predictions turned out to be false? For two centuries America has been on the verge of exhaustion or collapse, but it never has been exhausted or collapsed. For two centuries capitalism has been in crisis, but it never has succumbed. For two centuries the youth/the artists/the workers/the oppressed minorities were going to overthrow the staid conformism of the suburbs, but in the end they never did. Instead they moved to the suburbs and found happiness there.

For two centuries there has been this relentless pattern. Some new bourgeoisophobe movement or figure emerges--Lenin, Hitler, Sartre, Che Guevara, Woodstock, the Sandinistas, Arafat. The new movement is embraced. It is romanticized. It is heralded as the wave of the future. But then it collapses, and the never-finally-disillusioned bourgeoisophobes go off in search of the next anti-bourgeois movement that will inspire the next chapter in their ever-disappointed Perils of Pauline journey.

Perhaps, on the other hand, September 11 will cause more Americans to come to the stunning and revolutionary conclusion that we are right to live the way we do, to be the way we are. Maybe it is now time to put intellectual meat on the bones of our instinctive pride, to acknowledge that the American way of life is not only successful, but also character- building. It inculcates virtues that account for American success: a certain ability to see problems clearly, to react to setbacks energetically, to accomplish the essential tasks, to use force without succumbing to savagery. Perhaps ordinary American life mobilizes individual initiative, and the highest, not just the crassest aspirations. Maybe Baudrillard, that infuriatingly appreciative Frenchman, had it right when he wrote about America, "We [Europeans] philosophize about a whole host of things, but it is here that they take shape. . . . It is the American mode of life, that we judge naive or devoid of culture, that gives us the completed picture of the object of our values."

Because the striking thing is that, for all their contempt, the bourgeoisophobes cannot ignore us. They can't just dismiss us with a wave and get on with their lives. The entire Arab world, and much of the rest of the world, is obsessed with Israel. Many people in many lands define themselves in opposition to the United States. This is because deep down they know that we possess a vitality that is impressive. The Europeans regard us as simplistic cowboys, and in a backhanded way they are acknowledging the pioneering spirit that motivates America--the heroic spirit that they, in the comfort of their welfare states, lack. The Islamic extremists regard us as lascivious hedonists, and in a backhanded way they are acknowledging both our freedom and our happiness.

Maybe in their hatred we can better discern our strengths. Because if the tide of conflict is rising, then we had better be able to articulate, not least to ourselves, who we are, why we arouse such passions, and why we are absolutely right to defend ourselves.

David Brooks is a senior editor at The Weekly Standard.

Table of Contents:  https://www.blogger.com/blog/post/edit/6813612681836200616/3382423676443906063?hl=en

Saturday, November 9, 2019

Santiago is Burning

Santiago Chile is Burning
 
November 9, 2019

Burning Metro Ticket Office

 
As we (son Jimmy, his wife Shenda and I) were planning our trip to Patagonia in South America, I suggested that we go through the international airport of Santiago, Chile rather than Buenos Aires, Argentina.  My reasoning was that there is always some danger when traveling and that we could minimize our risk in Chile compared to Buenos Aires.  Chile has had the reputation of being one of the safest countries in South America, whereas Argentina was less safe.  So, we flew from Houston to Santiago and spent a day exploring that wonderful old city.

It was then that we heard that their modern, well-functioning Metro needed funds for upgrading and maintenance, so the ticket price was increased by about four cents to pay for it.  This was the announced reason for the city riots -- and we were in the big middle of it all.  Oops! 

Burned City Bus

Taking a taxi around the downtown area, we encountered college-aged folks in the streets banging pots -- or whatever would make noise -- in a particular rhythm with two long bangs followed by 3 short ones.  It sent a familiar code that they understood was a part of the Marxist movement protesting this new ticket cost. Some wore masks but most did not.  The ones we saw appeared to be fairly clean-cut youngsters of both sexes who were protesting this apparent ticket-hike injustice.

Fire set in the street

Our cab driver had to take a couple of detours around a burned bus, fires in the street, students marching, military vehicles and clouds of tear gas.

Tear Gas Cloud close to us

When our taxi driver saw a tear gas canister shot from a police truck and it landed in front of us, he pulled a quick U-turn so none of us would be exposed.  Way to go Mr. taxi driver!  I questioned him about the identity of the political organization behind this riot.  My interpretation of what he replied, was that it was not a political demonstration, it was a spontaneous eruption triggered only by ticket price hike.  Hmmm.

Maybe One Million in Crowd

 A couple of days later, the protestors held a march along the Mapocho River parkway in downtown Santiago.  Estimates were that there were one million folks in attendance.


Jim and Shenda celebrating their 31st anniversary on same parkway
 
Before that massive march, we had hiked along this parkway to the tower in the background so we could take the elevator to the top to get a great view of the surrounding city.  But, because of the turmoil in the city, the tower was closed.  Bummer.

Arson rampant
 
We were becoming more and more nervous about the situation as we watched the local TV stations.  The riots were being shown on many of the channels and clearly, this was no spontaneous riot.  Thugs had set fires to many local stores, especially targeting Lider stores which are owned by Walmart.  People died in those fires.  At least 11 people have died -- most in the burned supermarkets.  Some of these amateur and "innocent" protestors had now turned into arsonists and murderers.

Was this a political message being sent to the USA?  Of course, I claim no expertise on the political battles of Chile and I cannot know all the characters in this drama.  But, often, when well-meaning kids start a protest like this one, some bad actors join in and the thuggish behavior begins.  Or, it is also possible that socialist thugs planned this action and the kids who joined functioned as "useful idiots" -- a term used to describe non-ideologues who provide assistance to the bad guys because it has suddenly become the popular thing to do.

Cancelled Flights
 
Anyway, as we checked our flight leaving Santiago, it became obvious that many flights had been cancelled and we began to worry about our flight to Patagonia. We had no desire to spend another night in this city that was looking more and more like a war zone.

Santiago's Crowded Terminal
 
This huge Santiago Airport was crowded with folks trying to get out of town, and many found their flights cancelled.  Over 200 domestic and international flights were cancelled by our LATAM airlines. 

That's when Shenda took over for us.  Being the expert traveler that she is, she found her way through the dense crowds to the boarding pass machines and found that our flight had somehow not been cancelled.  Hooray!  With great relief, we boarded our flight and could finally relax as we flew down the Andes mountains to Patagonia. 

Interestingly, when President Pinera of Chile rescinded the four cent hike on the price of a Metro ticket, the rioting did not stop.  The armed forces were mobilized and the local jails began to be filled with the rioters.  Now the goals changed.  If the President would resign, maybe they would stop rioting.  Chile, which has been a model of stability and prosperity in Latin America, now appears to have a shaky future.  The modern Communist Che Guevara is out there somewhere and destined to turn a march into a full scale revolution.  So sad!